Thursday, July 19, 2012

Union Budget for 2012-2013: An Evaluation


UNION BUDGET FOR 2012-13:  AN EVALUATION

by
 G.THIMMAIAH
Former Member, Planning Commission

About Government Budget
1.      A government budget is a statement of expected revenue and proposed expenditure of the government for the ensuing (coming) year.
2.      It has got to be presented before the (legislature) Parliament for approval before the commencement of the financial year, (from 1st April to  31st March of next year).
3.      Government revenues consist of taxes, non-tax revenues and borrowings.
4.      Government expenditures consist of current expenditure and capital expenditure.
5.      Both current and capital expenditures are categorized into plan and non-plan expenditures. Plan expenditure is investment and non-plan expenditure is consumption expenditure of the government.
6.      They are further categorized into development and non-development expenditures. Capital expenditure on defense is non-development expenditure.

 Some Fiscal Concepts
1.    Excess of expenditure over revenue receipts is budget deficit. Excess of Revenue receipts over expenditure is budget surplus.
2.    Excess of current (or revenue) expenditure over revenue receipts is revenue deficit. Excess of capital expenditure over capital receipts is capital account deficit.
3.    Fiscal deficit is the excess of government’s total expenditure over total government’s revenues. This is filled by net borrowing by the government. That is why fiscal deficit is equated with net borrowings of the government.
4.    Revenue deficit is the excess of total current (revenue) expenditure over current revenues.
5.    Primary deficit is Fiscal deficit minus expenditure on interest payments.
6.    Fiscal deficit of the Union government was 5.9 per cent of GDP in 2011-12. It is proposed to be brought down to 5.1 per cent of GDP in 2012-13.


EVOLUTION OF OBJECTIVES OF GOVERNMENT BUDGET

1.      First Stage: Government budget was expected to meet the day-to-day expenditure required for running the government including legislature, judiciary and the defense forces. This was called minimal government as the objectives of the budget were minimum.
2.      Second Stage: The budget was expected to provide welfare assistance such as rehabilitation of citizens affected by natural calamities like floods, droughts and earthquake.
3.      Third Stage: The budget was used to provide more comprehensive welfare benefits like education, health, housing, transport, old age pension etc.( Welfare State functions)
4.      Fourth Stage: The government started using budget to undertake investment activities, (public enterprises), to provide infrastructure, employment and to provide incentives for private sector economic activities   which generate employment and revenues.  
5.      Fifth Stage: Government budget is used for mobilizing votes in favor of the party in power by announcing and implementing populist programmes. (Public Choice Theory).   
6.      The present practice is that the government in power first assesses the prevailing economic/political/ social problems in the country at the time of formulating the budget and uses the budget to announce appropriate economic and fiscal policies to solve them by using budgetary tools like taxes, expenditures, borrowing and lending.

UNION BUDGET FOR 2011-12: BACKGROUND
1.      Indian economy has been facing inflation, unemployment, agricultural deceleration, lack of adequate infrastructure. Though the economy started recovering from slowdown as reflected in GDP growth of 8.6 per cent in 2010-11, it could not be sustained as it declined to 6.9 per cent in 2011-12. These are the domestic problems facing the economy.
2.      There was and still is economic uncertainty in the western countries as their economic recovery is slow and  the political unrest in oil exporting countries have added further uncertainty for the growth of Indian economy.
3.      Against this background of economic problems facing the country, the Union budget for 2012-13 was formulated.
4.      The budget proposes to reduce the fiscal deficit from 5.9 for 2011-12 o 5.1 in 2012-13.This is not a realistic target in the light of all round uncertainties facing the country.
UNION BUDGET FOR 2011-12: SUSTAINING GROWTH
1.      Indian economy escaped from ‘Hindu rate of growth’ of 3.5 per cent after the introduction of structural economic reforms and achieved an average annual growth rate of 8 to 9 percent of GDP. But this growth rate dipped to 6.7 per cent in 2008-9 because of global recession. It recovered to 7.2 per cent in 2009-10, and to 8.6 in 2010-11. Encouraged by this recovery, the Union budget for 2011-12 has formulated policies to push it up to 9 per cent in 2011-12.
2.      The earlier policy of encouraging private sector and public-private –partnership (PPP) model has been continued. The policy of disinvestment from PSUs is also continued.
3.      The policy of attracting foreign capital both in FDI and FII is further boosted in 2011-12 budgets by allowing foreigners to invest in mutual funds and infrastructure and corporate bonds. The limit is raised from $5 billion to 25 billion. Tax exemption up to Rs 20000 is continued for investors.
4.      Infrastructure investment is boosted by exempting domestic investors in power generation from excise duty, increasing government investment in railways, roads and by encouraging PPP model for ports and airports.
5.      The Union government has proposed to spend Rs 2 14000 crores on infrastructure development in 2011-12. This is in addition to tax free bonds to be issued by Railway Finance Corporation, National Highway Authority of India and HUDCO.
6.      Under infrastructure for agriculture development, tax incentives are announced for construction of cold storage capacity and warehousing silos.
7.      Besides, the corpus of Rural Infrastructure Development Fund is raised from Rs.16000 crores to Rs.18000 crores.
8.      Housing sector is allowed to develop in private sector (except housing for the low and middle income groups), by continuing tax incentives.
9.      Irrigation infrastructure is allocated increased investment funds under Bharat Nirman programme apart from plan funds under state sector.
10.  The Union budget for 2011-12 has also allocated Rs.300 crores each   for raising the production of millets, palm oil and pulses to control food inflation from supply side.
UNION BUDGET FOR 2011-12: AGRICULTURE
1.      Agriculture is a state subject and hence we cannot expect much expenditure on it by the central government. Even so the central government is assigned the task of spending on agricultural research, extension and new technology for agriculture. Under this responsibility, the central government initiated policy measures for introducing green revolution. Ever since then, the central government has been spending on agricultural development also.
2.      Agriculture employs 64 per cent of labourforce but contributes about 18 per cent to GDP.  This indicates that there is large scale underemployment there.  Surprisingly agriculture output grew at 5.4 percent in 2010-11. In order to sustain higher growth of GDP of 9 per cent, agricultural growth of at least 4 percent is necessary. For sustaining a minimum 4 per cent growth rate of agriculture which also helps creation of both farm and non-farm employment, several schemes have been announced in the Union budget for 2011-12.
3.      Rs, 7860 crores have been allocated to Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana which includes schemes for the development of agriculture.
4.      A scheme for encouraging growing of palm for producing edible oil, a scheme for encouraging millets like jowar and ragi, and a scheme for increasing the productivity of pulses have been launched.
5.      Provision of Bank credit for agriculture has been enhanced to Rs.475000 crores at 4 percent interest.
6.      Agriculture marketing infrastructure is proposed to be developed in collaboration with private corporate sector under PPP model. Agro-processing attracts tax incentives
UNION BUDGET FOR 2011-12: FISCAL DEFICIT DEBATE
1.      Union Finance Minister has reported that he has reduced the fiscal deficit from  5.5 percent of GDP projected in the budget for 2010-11 to 5.1 per cent now and has projected to reduce it further to 4.6 per cent in 2011-12.(Most part of fiscal deficit is structural and not cyclical.)
2.      This claim has come to be disputed on the ground that the reduction of fiscal deficit from 5.5 per cent to 5.1 per cent was the result increase in  GDP by 8.6 per cent and
further even for the next year the projected reduction to 4.6 per cent will be because of projected increase in GDP by 9 percent.
3.      There is another angle to this debate. The actual Fiscal deficit in rupee terms for the year 2009-10 was Rs.428462 crores. The fiscal deficit projected in the budget for 2010-11 was Rs.381406 crores. In the revised estimate for the same year the fiscal deficit increased to Rs.400998 crores in spite of one time bonanza from 3G spectrum auction. The estimated fiscal deficit for 2011-12 is Rs.412817 crores and it is expected to come down to Rs.343000 crores apart from treasury bill borrowing of Rs.15000 crores. In other words, fiscal deficit being net borrowings of the government are in rupees and the amount in rupee terms has not come down. Only when related to GDP which is growing, the ratio   shows decline. This is a statistical juglary.
   
GROWTH VERSUS SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT DEBATE  
1.      The government of India has been over emphasizing the objective of achieving higher growth rate of GDP on the assumption that it will reduce poverty through ‘trickle down’ mechanism and ‘inclusive growth’ strategy. This is evident from several policy measures like tax reforms, subsidy reforms and reforms in FDI inflows announced in the Union budget for 2011-12. This policy emphasis has been endorsed by many international economists like Professor Jagadish Bhagavathi and Aravind Panagariya.
2.      But Professor Amartya Sen has argued that such obsession with growth has made India backward in terms of social development. He has argued that India lags behind even Bangladesh in literacy, infant mortality and far behind China in many social development indicators. His argument is that it is not enough if India achieves higher growth rate of its GDP. It should use more public funds for expanding and improving education, health, nutrition and for reducing infant mortality.
3.      Professors Bhagavathi and Panagariya defend government’s emphasis on high growth rate and argue that high growth rate of GDP will bring in higher government revenue which should be used for developing social sector.
4.      Some economists think that the government of India has been exempting incomes/profits of private corporate sector to encourage their investment for achieving higher growth rate in industrial sector. A case in point is exemption of SEZ developers as well as units located in SEZ from income tax. Instead of totally exempting them, it can tax them moderately and use the revenue obtained for spending on social development.
5.       How does the Union budget   for 2011-12 respond for these criticisms?
6.      The union budget has increased funds for education to  Rs.52057 crores in 2011-12 of which Rs.21000 crores is for universalisation of primary education. In view of the operationalisation of right to education, the amount has been increased by Rs.6000 crores. It is necessary to note here that this Rs.21000 crores comes from education cess levied on income tax and not from general revenue of the government.
7.      But the allocation for health has not been impressive. It has allocated Rs.26760 crores of plan funds. This is an increase of 20 per cent over last year’s allocation. The Union Finance Minister has widened the scope of Rashtriya Swasth Bhima Yojana, (government health insurance scheme), to include beedi workers and unorganized workers. This means the increase is only to cover them and not for expansion.
8.      The government of India has been encouraging private sector in health services. Such a policy by itself is not bad. It would complement the public sector health facilities. But the state governments which run the government health facilities have not been able to expand and improve health facilities for want of funds. All tax reforms go to reduce their revenue share. So the talk about higher growth rate of GDP yielding higher revenue has not resulted in higher allocation for education and health.
9.      Added to this is the shortage of doctors and nurses in India. The governments have been increasing the medical colleges without ensuring teaching staff and modern medical infrastructure.
10.  Both the Union and the state governments are obsessed with the objective of achieving higher growth rate of GDP without evaluating the fiscal consequences of economic reforms. Therefore, facts do support Professor Amartya Sen’s apprehension that when governments get obsessed with growth objective, they do not bother about social development and leave the poor people to the whims of the market forces. This is sure way of sowing the seeds of ‘jasmine revolution’ like revolt in India.
UNION BUDGET FOR 2011-12: TAX MEASURES
1.      Union budget has reaffirmed the long standing tax policy of the government to widen the tax base, moderate the tax rates, simplify the tax collection and tax payment procedures to raise more revenue.
2.      The Union budget has kept constant peak rates of customs duty, union excise duty and service tax at 10 per cent. This has supported the government policy of controlling inflation. It has also paved the way for smooth transition to DTC and GST regime.
3.      Rates of excise duty on some consumer products have been reduced which will leave Rs.11300 crores in the hands of the consumers.
4.      Exemption limits of income tax for individuals have been raised. Surcharge rate on corporate tax has been reduced to 5 per cent. This will leave Rs.11500 crores in the hands of the taxpayers.
5.      Both these tax measures create more demand for the domestic economy and sustain economic recovery.
6.      Though the rate of MAT has been raised from 18 to 18.5 per cent, it is intended to equalize the effective rate of income tax.
7.      However, the tax holiday for STPI and SEZ has been discontinued. The tax holiday for IT companies was continued for one year last year to enable the IT companies to recover from recession. When the Finance Minister continued the union excise duty at 10 per cent without rolling it back to 12 percent for one year, he should have continued this tax measure also for one more year.
8.      It is also necessary to formulate a more rational policy on STPI. It is a known fact that China and Philippines are giving tax concessions to IT companies to enable them to compete in the world market. Though big IT companies in India are capable of competing, there are hundreds of small and medium size companies which deserve tax holiday for some more years. The Union Finance Minister should consider giving tax holiday for small and medium IT companies for a few more years.
9.      Though SEZs were exempted from income tax, suddenly the Finance Minister has levied MAT on both SEZ developers and units located in SEZs. Such measures look ad hoc and inconsistent with long-term predictable tax policy measures. If it is only for raising some revenue to cover revenue deficit, it may be reviewed next year when the revenues are expected to improve on account of higher growth rate of GDP.
10.  It is announced that DTC will come into effect from April 1, 2012 which will be beneficial to the ordinary tax payer and private sector in general. It will boost investment by reducing not only tax incidence but also cost of tax compliance.
11.  It is also hoped that GST will also come into effect from 1st April, 2012. While the implementation of DTC is certain, the fate of GST is uncertain. This is not only because of likely revenue loss to the states which is compensated by the 13th Finance Commission, but more importantly for political reason of state sovereignty regarding their revenue raising powers.
12.  Even if GST is introduced, there will be two GSTs, one by centre and another by states. Both of them will reduce multiplicity of taxes levied by central and state governments.GST is considered as the last item left in the series of tax reforms which were initiated in 1991.
GOODS AND SERVICES TAX
1.      Background to Goods and Services Tax, (GST): In the Constitution, tax powers are divided between the central and state governments.  Further, both central and state governments levy different taxes on the same base. This makes cost of tax compliance prohibitive in India. It also creates cascading effect, (tax on tax), of central and state taxes which add to inflationary spiral.
2.      In order to overcome these adverse effects of multiplicity of taxes, both the central and state governments agreed to levy Value added tax in place of union excise duty and sales tax respectively. But VAT did not solve all the problems of multiplicity of taxes. So it was agreed to introduce GST in place of most of the indirect taxes.
3.      It is agreed to replace union excise duty, additional union excise duty, supplementary excise duty, countervailing duty along with surcharges by one Central GST.
4.      Similarly, it is agreed to replace sales tax, entertainment tax, luxury tax, entry tax, additional sales tax along with surcharges by one state level GST.
5.      Such imposition of central and state GSTs require constitutional amendment which is held up because of the opposition from some states. Once that hurdle is cleared, it is proposed to introduce GSTs from April1, 2012.
6.      The 13th Finance Commission has recommended compensatory grants for the states if they experience any loss of revenue on account of this switch over.
   
UNION BUDGET FOR 2011-12: WELFARE PROGRAMMES AND SUBSIDIES
1.      Welfare programmes are in response to the mass poverty and multiple economic and social disabilities like widowhood, old age and hunger. In the absence of any dependable social security, those who face such disabilities become destitute. So both the central and state governments have responded to these disabilities by formulating schemes to provide relief to those who face them.
2.      Such welfare schemes include widow pension, old age pension, pension for unorganized workers, health insurance for the poor etc.
3.      There are also programmes and schemes meant for poor people like subsidized food,(PDS), right to wage employment,(MGREGP), livelihood gurantee,NLGS), etc.
4.      Of late, both the central and state governments have started populist schemes which are mainly intended to mobilize votes rather than provide welfare benefits. A classic example is free color TV to people in Tamil Nadu.
5.      Now it has been realized that there is a lot of leakage in the delivery of some essential welfare schemes and therefore, it is proposed to give cash benefit to the identified beneficiary. The Union budget proposes to give cash subsidy to kerosene, LPG and fertilizer subsidy beneficiaries. This proposal is being debated as it is assumed to reduce subsidy bill.
UNION BUDGET FOR 2011-12: SUBSIDY DEBATE  
1.       Subsidy is non-plan expenditure and hence it is a major item which causes revenue deficit and through it raises fiscal deficit.
2.       The total subsidy expenditure of the central government was Rs.70926 crores in 2007-08 which increased to Rs.129708 crores in 2008-09 and  further  to Rs.141351 crores in 2009-10.For the fiscal year 2010-11 the subsidy amount was Rs.164153 crores. But for next year 2011-12 it is projected at Rs.143570 crores. This has created a debate.
3.       The Union Finance Minister has proposed to deliver kerosene subsidy, LPG subsidy and fertilizer subsidy in cash so that leakage in delivery and reaching undeserving people will be stopped. Such cash delivery is assumed to reduce the amount of subsidy. Will it?
4.       In subsidy distribution, first we have to identify the target group and persons. Then we should design a leak proof delivery mechanism. In India both these have failed and hence the subsidy bill has shot up sharply.
5.       Kerosene subsidy is given to BPL ration card holders. They will receive the difference between the market price and the subsidized price in cash .Head of the household will receive the cash. What guarantee that he will spend on kerosene?
6.       LPG is a little different may not involve many identification and delivery problems.
7.       Fertilizer subsidy bristles with problems. Poor farmers receive cash subsidy and may use it for something else thereby defeating the purpose of subsidy.
8.       Governments are already giving widow pension, old age pension and other pensions in cash. There are problems in identifying the target persons though they are now minimized. Corruption continues in identification but subsidy does not leak.
9.       In Brazil and Mexico conditional cash subsidy is given. It is reported to be working well. That experience has encouraged the Indian policy makers to deliver subsidy in cash.
UNION BUDGET FOR 2011-12: BLACK MONEY DEBATE
1.      Union budget for 2011-12 has not only mentioned the problem of black money but also has indicated that the government is going to formulate a five-fold strategy to unearth black money.
2.      Black money is that which is not declared for tax purpose. Since it is tax evaded, it has to be hidden in the form of assets like gold and real estate /or kept abroad.
3.      Nobody knows the extent of black money in India or held outside India. The figures put out in media are all guestimates. The government of India has asked some research Institutions in Delhi to estimate it.
4.      Going by the number of scams surfacing virtually every month if not every day, scams and the resultant black money have increased after the introduction of structural economic reforms which include liberalization privatization and globalization. Statistical data support this statement.
5.      Before economic reforms when the Indian economy was governed by ‘license and permit raj’ and in the context of high rates of taxes, people were forced to indulge in corruption and tax evasion and accumulate black money. But liberalization and tax rates are brought down to international level we thought corruption and tax evasion will come down .But they have increased instead. Why? It is debated.
6.      Before economic reforms when the Indian economy was governed by ‘license and permit raj’ and in the context of high rates of taxes, people were forced to indulge in corruption and tax evasion and accumulate black money. But liberalization has done away with’ license permit raj’ and tax rates are brought down to international level. After these reforms we thought that corruption and tax evasion will come down and the menace of black money will disappear. But they have increased instead. Why? Does it mean liberalization and privatization are not good for curbing corruption and black money. This policy implication should be debated.
7.      The Union Finance Minister has allowed in the budget for 2011-12 FIIs to invest in Mutual Funds and foreign investors are allowed to invest in infrastructure bonds $25 billion. This would mean that all those who have stacked away black money abroad can bring back by investing in Mutual Funds and infrastructure bonds. Is this not a tax amnesty by the back door?
8.      Tax amnesty is not allowed after the Supreme Court ruled on a PIL that it is immoral. So the government of India has designed a tax amnesty in disguise.

Thank you


Tuesday, July 17, 2012

Social Reforms and Economic Development in Southern States

SOCIAL REFORMS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN
                                SOUTHERN STATES
                                                  
                                                  G.Thimmaiah

1. Introduction.

                      Economists have tried to identify   factors which have been responsible for the differences in the growth performance of major states in the Indian Union. Some have identified investment climate, some others have identified quality of governance, infrastructure and availability of human capital as major factors which attract investment and ultimately result in varying rates of growth of GSDP. (Paul and Sridhar, 2009). Some of the recent studies, (Ahluwalia, 2000),                                                                                                         have compared the growth performance of major states before and after the introduction of   economic liberalization and economic reforms and have attributed economic reforms as contributory factor for impressive growth rates of
GSDP of major states.   But no attempt has been made to study and understand the impact of social reforms at least in southern states, where they have operated for almost a century, on the growth performance of southern states. I have made an attempt here to understand the mechanism of operation of social reforms and their impact on the economic development of southern states. In order to understand the impact of social reforms on economic development of southern states, we have to understand the nature of social reforms which operated in those states.

Nature of Social Reforms.

                       Generally speaking, social reforms encompass a whole gamut of societal as well as governmental actions initiated for reducing and, in the long run, removing the social inequalities originating from social institutions like religion, caste, and gender. Social reforms   also encompass policies   and programmes initiated by both  social groups,(like religious organizations, caste associations), and   governments, ( both national and state), to reduce and minimize the negative impact of  social institutions and  to use reformed and modernized social institutions to promote transformed social identity, political participation and economic prosperity of all social groups. Social reforms influence economic development by facilitating creation of required capacities among the masses to participate in social, political and economic activities of a society in a region/country.                                                                                            The processes through which social reforms impact   economic development are many and complex. An attempt is made here to explain some of these processes.

Operating Processes of Social Reforms.

                       Social reforms minimize the social barriers and inequalities between different sections of the society.  Social reforms broaden the  social, political and economic horizon of hitherto suppressed people, (scheduled caste and scheduled tribe people), neglected social  groups, (traditional artisan caste people), and even inactive  sections of society like the dominant caste groups who consider modern education meant for government jobs as unnecessary in the context of their wealth. Social reforms create a sense of self-confidence and self-esteem among hitherto suppressed and neglected   sections of the society. Social reforms   awaken hitherto                                                                                                                                                                                                                          socially and politically suppressed and neglected social groups and activate and push them into productive action.  Social reforms compel the hither to suppressed/neglected and even inactive sections of the society to accept modern education and   absorb other modern ways of acquiring    capacity to participate in broader social, political and economic activities. Through these processes, social reforms ultimately create a broad based demographic, educational, economic and technological resources in a region/country. Such broadened demographic,                                                                                                  educational, economic and technological base creates ‘the law of large numbers’ which enables a society to throw up large  number of  skilled  persons, innovators, risk-takers, and entrepreneurs apart from the usual political leaders, administrators, doctors and engineers. All of them in turn                                                                           contribute in the long run to faster economic development with given investment, infrastructure and   government policies. This is how social reforms impact economic development.
  1. The role of social movements as a precursor to the growth of education and the spread of entrepreneurship is borne out at the level of regions too (see Damodaran (2008)). Like TN, Kerala also had seen strong social movements early in the 20th century that promoted greater awareness and interest in education among the lower castes that had not received such opportunities in the past. Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka that were part of the erstwhile Madras Presidency had also witnessed a similar awakening and networking among their lower caste groups. The “social capital” created through this process in the region may have laid the foundation for more widespread education through institutions established by communities and caste groups. The explosion of technical education in the south in the 1990s could also be traced to this phenomenon. There was hardly any comparable development of educational institutions through non-governmental initiatives in the northern states.

Social Reforms in Southern States:
                           Social reforms in south India originated in movements against caste hierarchy. Though such movements were inspired by the Pan Indian Bhakti movement after the spread of Islam in India, in south India the British rule brought in western education and created large number of remunerative jobs in the British administrative set-up.. The Brahmins took advantage of these benefits of British rule and dominated the British administration at all levels. This dominance became an eyesore for the non-Brahmin communities.  The demand for more specific reforms became vocal  after the first Census Report of 1881 was published. It revealed the dominance of Brahmin community in modern education and government jobs. This lead to protests from economically and socially dominant communities in the southern part of India which demanded for a fair share in government jobs.  Thus began the  anti-Brahmin movement. However, the seeds of social reforms were sown by the Census of 1901 and 1911 which revealed caste-wise education status and employment in administrative set-up of former Madras Presidency. Realizing the educational backwardness of people of non-Brahmin castes, individual caste associations were formed to help their caste people to acquire  modern education. This was a positive response from neglected and inactive social groups to Brahmin dominance. They started their own schools and demanded reservations for jobs in government administrative set-up. The Madras Dravidian Association (1912) played prominent role in these movements. These efforts spread to former Mysore and Travancore states. Backward class movement became a major political plank in south India. The governments of former Madras Presidency, former Princely states of Mysore and Travancore opened government schools for teaching subjects of western education. Later when the non-Brahmin movement got transformed into backward class movement, they introduced  reservations  for  modern educated non-Brahmin caste  candidates.( See Thimmaiah,1998).

                   Lasting social reforms were made possible by the Dravidian Movement which was started by Periyar Ramaswamy Naykar after Independence. This movement combined anti-Brahmin movement and backward class movement and on top of these it preached self-respect for suppressed/neglected sections of the Tamil society.  Though Periyar did not join electoral politics, he supported those political parties which  accepted his ideas of social reforms. The earlier anti-Brahmin movement lost its relevance after the death of Periyar. But the backward class movement got further impetus all over south India.   Periyar movement and the backward class movement changed the entire political scene of south India. The earlier suppressed/neglected caste groups acquired political power through electoral process. They used their newly acquired  political power to start their own educational institutions and helped their caste people to acquire modern  education at affordable cost. This spread education widely among hitherto neglected sections of the society  in southern states. From mid-1970s politically and economically influential persons from non-Brahmin castes/communities started their own professional colleges like Medical colleges, Engineering colleges, Pharmacy colleges, Nursing colleges and Dental colleges and in the mid-nineties they  also started Business  Management schools.

    These privately owned professional colleges served the purpose of helping  those students who could not compete to gain admission purely on merit and they  also enabled them to mobilize enormous funds from donations/capitation fees. These professional colleges helped all sections of the society to acquire professional education at affordable cost and at the same time enabled the owners to mobilize capital from the aspiring students in the form of capitation fee/ donation. They  invested that capital in construction, transport, trade and hotel industry which have expanded rapidly and thereby raising the share of GSDP from service sector in the southern states.  When at the  national level ‘license and permit raj’ was operating for starting big manufacturing industries, at the state level  the resurgent backward caste groups were able to start professional educational institutions with ease which offered professional courses  and used the mobilized funds for investment  in service sector enterprise activities. Thus non-Brahmin private entrepreneurs emerged slowly in southern states that  were also encouraged by the state level political leaders through  mutual-benefit arrangements. The impact of this  socio-political process on the economic performance of southern states has been acknowledged by Samuel Paul and Kala Seetharam Sridhar in their recent comparative study of growth performance of Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. They have observed that:
“There is historical evidence to support the thesis that education in TN had benefited from the helping hand of the British colonial government in the 19th century. TN led the country in the reservation policy in education that others emulated in later periods. More importantly, the social movements that dominated TN politics and public discourse in the early part of the 20th century created a much greater awareness among the lower castes that constituted the majority of the population about their rights and the need for collective action to claim their entitlements. Scholars who have documented social movements across India have pointed out that similar movements did not occur in UP or other northern states.[1] In both regions, there were movements that protested caste abuses and brahminical dominance. But the distinguishing feature of the TN social movements was their focus on gaining access to education and economic opportunities such as jobs in government. These movements not only created greater awareness among the backward classes about the need for collective struggles to achieve their ends, but also increased their sense of solidarity and mutual trust among the members, and helped them create vast new networks to mobilize resources and launch collective political and social action to achieve common ends. It was thus that large numbers of schools, colleges, and in recent years engineering colleges were set up by caste and community supported leaders and groups. A similar trend has been noted in the industry sector of TN where again, impressive numbers of small and medium enterprises have been set up by entrepreneurs, who took advantage of their caste and community networks. The governments in power facilitated this process, resulting in a groundswell of private sector development.  Among the political leaders who promoted this process were K. Kamaraj, R. Venkataraman, Annadorai and C. Subramaniam.  Developments of this kind do not seem to have occurred in UP.  The importance of these historical factors, especially social movements, in laying the foundation for strengthening both the demand and supply sides of development in TN cannot be overemphasized”. (p.  )
They have further observed that:
“The role of social movements as a precursor to the growth of education and the spread of entrepreneurship is borne out at the level of regions too (see Damodaran (2008)). Like TN, Kerala also had seen strong social movements early in the 20th century that promoted greater awareness and interest in education among the lower castes that had not received such opportunities in the past. Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka that were part of the erstwhile Madras Presidency had also witnessed a similar awakening and networking among their lower caste groups. The “social capital” created through this process in the region may have laid the foundation for more widespread education through institutions established by communities and
caste groups. The explosion of technical education in the south in the 1990s could also be traced to this phenomenon. There was hardly any comparable development of educational institutions through non-governmental initiatives in the northern states”.( p.  )
Impact of Social Reforms on Economic Performance of Southern States
Attractive invest opportunities and conducive investment climate might have contributed for the faster growth of GSDP of southern states after economic reforms. But these are of recent origin. Much debated  quality of governance is an unstable factor in these states. Though infrastructure facilities do matter in attracting private investment, they have not been uniformly favorable in all these southern states. But still their growth rates have been consistently higher than national average and compared to many other major states. What explains this difference?  The difference can be explained by the expansion of education across all sections of the society which created broader human capital base.                                                                                                        Again, socially broad based private sector used professional education institutions to mobilize capital for investment in service sector activities. Socially broad based private sector in southern states  used the benefits of  liberalization and economic reforms for expanding the service sector enterprise activities enormously. This
 expansion of service sector  increased the share of GSDP/NSDP from service sector in southern states beyond 50 per cent which got reflected in faster growth of GSDP of southern states. This may be observed from Tables 1  and 2 below










Table 1:  State-wise Percentage Share of Service Sector in GSDP:


State
1980-81
1985-86
1990-91
1995-96
2000-01
2005-06
2006-07
2007-08
2008-09
Andhra Pradesh
37.04
39.41
41.19
43.14
47.10
50.26
50.75
-
-
Assam
39.89
42.09
44.73
39.33
48.12
49.64
51.50
-
-
Bihar
27.65
28.23
30.48
43.96
50.48
56.10
55.25
57.63
-
Chhattisgarh
-
-
-
31.41
41.89
38.17
38.80
40.86
-
Gujarat
32.31
35.81
37.24
37.23
44.73
41.51
-
-
-
Haryana
26.77
28.67
30.71
32.28
41.57
47.04
47.66
-
-
Himachal Pradesh
33.08
35.85
37.75
37.54
38.62
38.10
38.50
-
-
Jammu & Kashmir
-
-
-
45.82
46.61
46.28
45.89
45.88

Jharkhand
-
-
-
28.15
41.88
35.74
35.83
-
-
Karnataka
33.56
37.80
41.18
40.83
47.58
53.49
54.80
55.72
-
Kerala
38.14
42.29
44.81
49.18
57.23
60.28
60.60
-
-
Madhya Pradesh
26.83
29.44
30.42
36.17
50.65
49.38
50.05
-
-
Maharashtra
37.23
41.81
42.32
47.91
57.15
60.58
-
-
-
Orissa
30.28
31.97
37.51
36.92
46.55
47.60
46.91
-
-
Punjab
30.86
27.96
28.77
32.93
40.27
42.36
42.13
-
-
Rajasthan
34.46
30.79
32.77
37.32
43.79
42.76
43.42
43.63
-
Tamil Nadu
40.66
42.82
43.27
42.86
52.83
57.84
58.35
-
-
Uttar Pradesh
32.77
34.45
36.82
38.27
43.42
45.18
45.20
-
-
Uttarakhand
-
-
-
36.54
49.96
48.93
48.29
-
-
West Bengal
38.75
40.49
41.54
44.13
52.89
54.38
-
-
-
Arunachal Pradesh
31.01
28.07
33.13
30.29
46.59
42.37
-
-
-
Manipur
43.38
47.04
51.09
47.27
48.81
37.28
35.96
-
-
Meghalaya
43.86
49.00
53.44
53.66
52.99
52.65
52.38
52.74
-
Mizoram
-
-
-
-
63.59
63.32
63.42
63.52
63.20
Nagaland
54.24
48.80
45.69
56.11
56.16
52.17
-
-
-
Sikkim
30.40
33.57
39.40
44.90
55.18
52.55
52.07
-
-
Tripura
37.47
45.01
50.12
53.98
53.15
55.09
-
-
-
Delhi
70.72
69.33
68.09
76.36
77.07
77.10
-
-
-
Goa
45.87
53.01
51.82
54.76
47.02
49.80
48.89
-
-
Andaman & Nicobar Islands
26.98
29.55
32.66
37.60
55.37
52.99
-
-
-
Pondicherry
27.12
28.35
29.75
53.66
45.42
47.83
46.55
45.16
-

Source: Economic and Political Weekly Research Foundation, 2009.

Table 2: State-wise Percentage Share of Service Sector in NSDP


State
1960-61
1965-66
1970-71
1975-76
1980-81
1985-86
1990-91
1995-96
2000-01
2005-06
2006-07
2007-08
Andhra Pradesh
-
-
29.40
30.96
36.77
41.05
41.55
42.69
48.36
51.29
51.80
-
Assam
24.08
27.36
22.12
22.34
40.39
32.96
32.13
37.57
47.39
47.35
46.83
-
Bihar
31.38
29.36
20.41
21.60
27.43
28.03
28.90
34.24
50.64
57.37
57.92
60.31
Chhattisgarh
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
46.09
38.51
38.60
39.86
Gujarat
32.45
33.26
30.26
33.16
31.95
36.55
35.77
35.16
47.36
41.87
-
-
Haryana
20.94
21.67
20.01
24.59
26.42
30.22
31.34
33.27
42.44
47.29
47.27
-
Himachal Pradesh
-
-
24.71
25.99
30.96
33.56
37.15
37.22
38.02
36.54
37.86
-
Jammu & Kashmir
23.61
26.17
28.80
30.55
39.70
42.12
43.50
46.72
46.65
44.05
44.19
43.87
Jharkhand
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
44.66
35.51
35.34
-
Karnataka
23.58
24.46
22.17
22.95
33.18
37.26
39.86
41.35
50.12
55.88
56.72
57.05
Kerala
28.78
29.61
34.24
35.45
36.40
39.82
40.74
39.38
60.55
62.25
62.25
-
Madhya Pradesh


23.11
25.31
26.01
30.24
31.53
31.74
51.04
48.54
48.28
-
Maharashtra
31.74
35.71
37.19
36.12
36.80
40.75
43.01
46.28
59.41
61.40
-
-
Orissa
-
-
22.34
23.35
29.22
30.01
34.54
36.11
48.89
47.68
46.06
-
Punjab
30.37
30.40
26.32
28.67
32.02
33.90
32.97
33.96
41.38
45.15
44.06
-
Rajasthan
27.21
28.01
25.53
28.87
29.71
31.79
33.02
39.32
46.08
45.64
45.24
-
Tamil Nadu
30.42
34.00
34.02
35.03
40.60
43.75
44.57
48.72
54.92
58.34
58.68
-
Uttar Pradesh
-
-
32.69
33.75
32.36
36.30
36.61
37.61
44.47
47.48
47.60
-
Uttarakhand
-
-
-
-
38.12
38.79
40.50
41.34
48.79
48.08
47.81
-
West Bengal
33.17
32.64
32.22
33.06
25.15
27.83
35.75
29.04
53.56
55.45
-
-
Delhi
60.79
64.40
67.35
71.80
70.76
69.90
67.07
73.70
77.71
77.31
-
-
Goa


42.59
43.44
41.79
51.36
47.85
54.49
52.00
43.08
42.02
-
Arunachal Pradesh
-
-
20.48
21.43
30.51
27.37
35.36
33.54
45.28
39.62
-
-
Manipur
34.04
35.32
35.20
31.25
43.25
41.38
48.96
51.19
48.82
41.98
41.99
41.80
Meghalaya
-
-
-
-
43.56
46.08
51.17
54.81
53.47
53.68
54.14
54.90
Mizoram
-
-
-
-
50.64
49.83
49.87
48.19
64.69
64.42
64.85
65.27
Nagaland
-
-
-
-
53.37
55.51
56.28
57.77
55.54
51.93
-
-
Sikkim
-
-
-
-
30.30
32.59
40.54
34.31
54.92
48.88
47.80
-
Tripura
31.57
30.01
22.97
22.45
36.51
40.15
46.72
50.09
53.55
55.89
-
-
Andaman & Nicobar Islands
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
54.65
51.31
-
-
Chandigarh
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
84.47
84.17
-
-
Pondicherry
-
-
-
-
26.46
34.22
39.72
57.53
46.24
49.70
48.98
48.68

Source: Economic and Political Weekly Research Foundation, 2009.

Thus it may be observed that the  share of service sector  in GSDP/NSDP which was hovering around one-third in 1970’s suddenly jumped during the 1980s in all the four southern states. During 1990’s it reached around 50 per cent and in the last decade of the last century it almost reached 60 per cent, except in Andhra Pradesh, which was higher than the national average share. Such phenomenal increase was made possible by the expansion of private sector share in educational services, trade, transport and health services.



Relation between Human Capital and Economic Development
             The relation between human capital and economic  development has long been discussed and debated. Economists have come to recognize and accept the contribution of human capital to economic development in both developed and developing countries.  In the  context of globalization and economic liberalization, the role of human capital has come to be justifiably used as one of the determinants of interpersonal and interregional economic inequalities. Human capital  increases productivity through skill and innovation. Increased productivity results in high growth rate of output. In India economists have used it to explain  development performance of states  after economic reforms.  For example, Montek Singh Ahluwalia,  has attempted to quantify the relation between human capital and state level growth. He has observed:                   
       “The quality of human resources, broadly defined to mean the educational attainment and skill level of the labor force, is another factor that is generally regarded as a critical determinant of growth. We should expect that states with superior availability of human skills and more rapid growth in these skills are more likely to have higher per capita GSDP and also experience faster growth. However, since data on the educational and skill characteristics of the labor force are simply not available, the literacy rate of the population is commonly used as a proxy for the quality of human resources.”( Ahluwalia,2000)
 Ahluwalia used regression analysis to quantify the contribution of human capital to state GSDP. He found  weak relation between growth rate of GSDP and literacy rate. However, when used with investment rate he found significant result. He has observed:
        “It could be argued that the role of human skills in promoting growth is not independent of the level of investment and the two interact with each other to generate positive  responses. We therefore estimated a regression equation relating growth to a composite  variable obtained by multiplying each of the capex investment ratios with the  literacy rate in the base year of the post-reforms period. The multiplicative form implies that the response of growth to a higher investment rate is greater the larger the literacy variable, thus building in a positive interaction effect.”(2000).
 Thus he  has  proved that there is significant impact of human capital (though represented by proxy variable) on economic development at the state level in India.

                    Human capital has been formed on a wider scale in southern states over a long period of time thanks to social reform movement which encompassed the suppressed/neglected sections which created a broad base of  English educated and skilled young population. This broad based human capital has contributed at least partially for higher growth rates of GSDP of southern states. But this is only a part of the story. A far more significant contribution has been that  social reforms not only created broad based human capital in the southern states but also enabled suppressed/neglected caste groups to use their newly acquired political clout to start professional educational institutions to raise interest free capital funds for investment in service sector enterprises which in turn created jobs and added to GSDP through service sector contribution.    This I consider as a major economic impact of social reforms on growth performance of southern states. Because of the difficulty in finding relevant data to substantiate this, economists have sidelined this factor.  Whatever relevant data  that are available are presented in Tables 3 to 8  to prove the point that social reforms in southern states  enabled the  former suppressed and neglected caste groups to acquire modern education and capture  political  power .They used both these to encourage private enterprise professional education .The combined impact of these factors unleashed unprecedented urge to prosper economically. This urge lead to the emergence of broad based private enterprise in southern states. When the Congress government at the centre led by P.V.Narasimha Rao introduced economic liberalization and encouraged the process of globalization, the southern entrepreneurs jumped and exploited the new economic opportunities thrown open by the economic reforms. The cumulative result of these factors has enabled the southern states to outpace the growth performance of other states in the Indian Union.




                        
               

State
1961
1991
2001

P
P
M
F
P
Andhra  Pradesh
21.19
44.08
71
51
61
Assam
32.95
52.89
72
56
55
Bihar
21.95
37.49
60
34
48
Goa
35.41
75.51
89
76
82
Gujarat
31.47
61.29
81
59
70
Haryana
NA
55.85
79
56
69
Jammu & Kashmir
12.95
NA
86
68
77
Karnataka
29.8
56.56
76
57
67
Kerala
55.08
89.91
94
88
91
Madhya  Pradesh
21.41
44.67
77
50
64
Maharashtra
35.08
64.87
86
68
77
Orissa
21.66
49.09
76
51
64
Punjab
 NA
58.51
76
64
70
Rajasthan
18.72
38.55
76
44
61
Tamil Nadu
36.39
66.64
82
65
73
Uttar  Pradesh
20.87
40.71
70
43
57
West Bengal
34.46
57.7
78
60
69
India
28.3
52.27
76
54
65




State
Engineering
Colleges
Business
Management Schools
Medical
Colleges
Colleges for Computer application
Courses
Pharmacy  Colleges
Andhra  Pradesh
431
263
36
126
62
Assam
33
9
3
13
2
Bihar
50
31
10
50
2
Goa
8
6
12
25
8
Gujarat
138
61
5
1
34
Haryana
105
64
4
32
25
Jammu and Kashmir
32
14
52
9
NA
Karnataka
485
174
51
114
89
Kerala
117
45
1
69
32
Madhya  Pradesh
169
81
1
53
62
Maharashtra
536
264
7
85
102
Punjab
108
121
13
46
63
Rajasthan
90
66
13
46
63
Tamil Nadu
525
304
49
219
75
Uttar Pradesh
24
146
23
82
56
West Bengal
124
120
15
75
11




STATE
No. of  All Types of Colleges
Andhra  Pradesh
2149
Assam
493
Bihar
211
Goa
54
Gujarat
845
Haryana
1225
Jammu & Kashmir
475
Karnataka
3287
Kerala
1231
Madhya  Pradesh
1434
Maharashtra
3109
Orissa
988
Punjab
1344
Rajasthan
1723
Tamil Nadu
2876
Uttar Pradesh
2822
West Bengal
734
All India
26950










State
1980-81 to
1985-86 to
1990-91  to
1995-96 to
2000-01 to

 1985-86
1990-91
 1995-96
2000-01
2005-06

1980-81 Prices
1993-94 Prices
1999-00 Series
Andhra  Pradesh
5.1
7.5
5.3
6
6.5
Assam
5.1
3.1
3.6
2.2
5.3
Bihar
5.2
4.4
-0.5
9.6
2.5
Delhi
7.2
7.7
8
10.3
7.4
Goa
1.7
9.6
6.1
9
7.1
Gujarat
4.8
5.8
7.7
4.4
10.1
Haryana
6.6
6.2
3.4
6.6
5.3
Himachal Pradesh
3.1
6.9
4.4
6.8
6.9
Jammu & Kashmir
3.8
2.9
4.9
4.4

Karnataka
4
6.3
6.3
8.6
5.8
Kerala
2.1
5.1
5.3
5
6.8
Madhya  Pradesh
3.6
6.6
4.2
3.5
4.4
Maharashtra
4.5
7.6
8.1
3.9
7.1
Orissa
4
1.6
5.4
3
7.8
Punjab
5.9
4.6
4.6
5
4.2
Rajasthan
4.9
10
2.9
5.2
5
Tamil Nadu
5.7
5.6
5.9
6.3
4.9
Uttar Pradesh
4
4.7
6.6
7
6.3
West Bengal
4
4.7
6.6
7
6.3
All India
4.6
6.1
5.2
5.4
7






State
1980-81
1985-86
1990-91
1995-96
2000-01 to

to 1985-86
to 1990-91
to 1995-96
to 2000-01
2005-06

1980-81 Prices
1993-94 Prices
1999-2000 Series
Andhra  Pradesh
2.8
5.2
3.4
4.9
5
Assam
3
0.8
1.4
0.7
3.9
Bihar
2.9
2.3
-2.6
6.8
0.6
Delhi
2.7
3.3
4.2
6.3
4.1
Goa
0
8.2
4.1
7.4
4.1
Gujarat
2.6
4
5.9
2.3
8.4
Haryana
4
3.7
1.2
3.9
5.2
Jammu & Kashmir
1.2
0.3
2.5
2.1
 N A
Karnataka
1.8
4.4
4.7
7.2
4.8
Kerala
0.7
3.7
3.9
4.6
6.9
Madhya Pradesh
1.2
4
2.1
1.4
2.8
Maharashtra
2.3
2
2.8
3.9
8
Manipur
2.7
2
2.8
3.9
8
Orissa
2.2
-0.2
3.5
1.6
10.5
Punjab
4
2.6
2.6
3
2.2
Rajasthan
2
7.4
0.7
2.6
3.2
Tamil Nadu
4
4.3
4.8
5.3
4
Uttar Pradesh
1.6
3.7
0.6
1.5
2.1
West Bengal
1.8
2.3
4.8
5.4
5
All India
2.3
4
1.7
4.4
5.2






State
1960-61 to
1970-71 to
1980-81
1985-86
1990-91
1995-96
2000-01
2006-07

1970-71
1975-76







1970-71 Prices
1980-81 Prices
1993-94 Prices
1999-2000 Series
Andhra  Pradesh
  NA
585
625
1380
1573
2060
16622
22835
Assam
251
535
559
1284
1510
1546
12447
15623
Bihar
215
402
409
917
1074
1197
6557
8056
Goa
0
915
1224
3145
3091
4883
38623
50565
Gujarat
362
829
818
1940
2186
2641
17227
27027
Haryana
327
877
938
2370
2893
3509
24328
35779
Jammu & Kashmir
269
548
573
1776
1832
1784
13859
16817
Karnataka
296
641
666
1520
1644
2039
37405
21931
Kerala
259
594
610
1508
1507
1815
19724
27284
Madhya Pradesh
NA 0
484
499
1358
1409
1696
11154
12577
Maharashtra
409
783
878
2435
2705
3483
21892
30750
Orissa
0
485
476
1314
1442
1383
10211
15096
Punjab
366
1070
1192
2674
3249
3730
25990
30158
Rajasthan
0
645
584
1222
1338
1942
12840
16401
Tamil Nadu
334
581
598
1498
1795
2237
20249
25898
Uttar Pradesh
0
486
474
1275
1375
1652
9700
11188
West Bengal
390
722
1125
1773
1929
2145
16185
21953
All India



1563
1742
2109
16172
22580










 




Rural
Urban
State
1973-74
1993-94
1999-2000
1973-78
1993-94
1999-2000
Andhra  Pradesh
48.41
15.92
11.05
50.61
38.33
26.63
Assam
52.67
45.01
40.04
36.92
7.73
7.47
Bihar
62.99
58.21
44.3
52.96
34.5
32.91
Gujarat
46.35
22.18
13.17
52.57
27.89
15.59
Haryana
34.23
28.02
8.27
40.18
16.38
9.99
Karnataka
55.14
29.88
17.38
52.53
40.14
25.25
Kerala
59.19
25.76
9.38
62.74
24.55
20.27
Madhya  Pradesh
62.66
40.64
37.06
57.65
48.38
38.44
Maharashtra
57.71
37.93
23.72
43.87
35.15
26.91
Orissa
67.28
49.72
48.01
55.62
41.64
42.83
Punjab
28.21
11.95
6.35
27.96
11.35
5.75
Rajasthan
44.76
26.46
13.74
52.13
30.49
19.85
Tamil Nadu
57.43
32.48
20.55
49.4
39.77
22.11
Uttar Pradesh
56.53
42.28
31.22
60.09
35.39
30.89
West Bengal
73.16
40.8
31.85
34.67
22.41
14.86
All India
56.44
37.27
27.09
49.01
32.36
23.62



Policy Implications:

                     Past studies which identified factors like lagging infrastructure development, low quality of governance et., naturally recommended for their improvement.  I have tried to explain the economic performance of southern states in terms of institutional reforms which produced positive impact on growth performance of southern states over a long period of time.While it is necessary to continue to make concerted efforts to   promote  infrastructure development  and improve quality of  governance, it is also necessary to pay some attention to social reforms which go to achieve inclusive development.

References:
1.  Damodaran, Harish, (2008), India’s New Capitalists: Caste, Business and Industry
                                                     in  a Modern Nation, Permanent Black.

2.Paul, Samuel and Sridhar, Kala Seetharam, ( 2008), The Paradox of India’s   
                                                                                             North-South Divide,
                                                                                             PAC, Bangalore.